The recent interview of Henry Louis Gates, Jr. in The New Yorker is eye-opening (a colloquialism for enlightenment).
Known as one of the main facilitators of the African American canon in Literary studies, Gates words and insights are as crisp as deep fried brinjal.
Here are some of the jewel-ish things he said:
- Gates reminds us that black lives is not simply about loss, death and suffering and degradation. It’s also about achievement, dignity, overcoming and joy. The following lines from William Du Bois’ “The Soul of Black Folks” thoughtfully frame the original meaning of the Black Lives Matter slogan:
The most magnificent drama in the last thousand years of human history is the transportation of ten million human beings out of the dark beauty of their mother continent into the new-found El Dorado of the West. They descended into hell; and in the third century they arose from the dead, in the finest effort to achieve democracy for the working millions which this world had ever seen. It was a tragedy that beggared the Greek; it was an upheaval of humanity like the Reformation and French Revolution.
2. Because something is not typical does not mean it’s not real. Gates grew up in the town of Peidmont, West Virginia. A rare black family in a dominantly white place (Piedmont being a Irish-Italian paper mill town). Says Gates, growing up he did not have a “typical black experience but it is a real Black experience.”
3. Gates attended an integrated school. He was never treated as a lesser human, neither was his humanity challenged or degraded. Segregation was subtle: “I never experienced racial discrimination in the classroom. But don’t even think of dating a white girl. We performed dances a lot and operettas every year. But never, ever, was a Black boy paired with a white girl. What they would do is pair me with a black girl in class. And then when they ran out of boy-girl combinations, they would put two black girls together, or two black boys together, or a Black boy and a white boy–that was very daring. But never did Skippy (Henry’s nick name) Gates dance with Brenda Kimmel.
4. When he got admitted (with full scholarship) at Yale, Gates’ father, a hard-working man who resisted the “Black” label without sucking up to whites and was inordinately reverential towards Jews, counseled him not to “Jim Crow” himself in Yale. “Don’t go sitting up there like a sitting at something like a Black table. Don’t go up there getting Black roommates. Get yourself some white roommates […] your ass been Black for eighteen years, and I ain’t paying for that.”
4. Without affirmative action he would not be getting into Yale.
5. Anti-slavery does not mean anti-Black.
6. American history can be framed within the Marxian dictum (In the “Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte”) of history repeating itself twice, once as tragedy and then again as farce, but with an exceptional turn in its American applicability. History in this sense has been tragic repeatedly in the U.S. There is a similarity in the cycle of anti-Black ism during Reconstruction and the subterranean anti-black ism of the post-Obama years:
“The rise and fall of Reconstruction is the key to understanding how we could have our first Black Presidency and then have it be followed by an alt-right rollback and the clown of clowns Donald Trump. Reconstruction was a time when freed Black people enjoyed an enormous expansion of rights, with the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth Amendments, and later with the Civil Rights Act of 1875. The summer of 1867 was the first freedom summer. Black men in the South got the right to vote before Black men in the North. And in 1868, they voted. Ulysses S. Grant won the popular vote by just over three hundred thousand votes. A half-million Black men no doubt voted for Grant. Black men had elected a President.
Black power was in the vote. They took it away, because, until 1910, ninety per cent of all Black people lived in the former Confederacy. South Carolina, Mississippi, and Louisiana were majority-Black states. Georgia, Alabama, and Florida were close to it. This was a huge concentration of power, and the fear was that Black people would dominate the politics of those states and eventually their economic relations. It never was a cakewalk to the voting booth, of course. With the rise in rights came the rise in white-supremacist terrorist tactics, leading to the Mississippi Plan of 1875 and then the new Mississippi state constitution of 1890, which is the urtext of voter suppression. Without using the word “Negro,” “Colored,” or “Black,” the new state constitutional convention had an article that instituted procedures to disenfranchise Black people. The Mississippi Plan spread to other Southern states. You want to know how effective it was? In 1898, there were one hundred and thirty thousand Black men registered to vote in Louisiana. By 1904, after Louisiana had adopted its anti-Black state constitution, in the wake of the Mississippi Plan, that number had been reduced to thirteen hundred and forty-two.
What those Reconstruction amendments granted was stripped away through sharecropping, vagrancy laws, peonage, and disenfranchisement, which is why what we’re seeing happening in so many Republican legislatures today should terrify anyone who loves the principles upon which our great country was founded.”
Leap forward to Trump after Obama. The Reconstruction legacy rollback.
7. Why West Virginians did not vote for Obama though they voted for JFK. Simple: Good times versus bad times. Economic uncertainty can turn reasonable folks into stupid monsters. When you have no hope, you start to hate people. You look for people you can scapegoat. Evil manifests.
8. The Obamas were noble. A Black Camelot flowed graciously.
9. The 1619 Project raised a furore and push back because one of its cardinal sins was to claim that the revolution (American war of independence) was not an unadulterated war for independence, but also a push back to protect the institution of slavery (abolished by Britain since long).
10. Neither Socialism nor Marxism can redeem society from racism. Gates, whose wife is Cuban, sees Cuba as even more racist than the U.S. Capitalism in its humane form is the only hope for Blacks. Problems of race and racism can only be solved economically.
11. There are forty-two million ways to be Black in America (not just one)
12. Reading list for African-American Literature:
Fiction:
1. “The Conjure Woman,” by Charles W. Chesnutt
2. “The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man,” by James Weldon Johnson
3. “Cane,” by Jean Toomer
4. “Their Eyes Were Watching God,” by Zora Neale Hurston
5. “Native Son,” by Richard Wright
6. “Invisible Man,” by Ralph Ellison
7. “Mumbo Jumbo,” by Ishmael Reed
8. “The Color Purple,” by Alice Walker
9. “The Bluest Eye,” by Toni Morrison (or “Sula,” “Song of Solomon,” or “Jazz”)
10. “At the Bottom of the River,” by Jamaica Kincaid
Nonfiction:
1. “Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, Written by Himself,” by Frederick Douglass
2. “A Voice from the South,” by Anna Julia Cooper
3. “The Souls of Black Folk,” by W. E. B. Du Bois
4. “Black Skin, White Masks,” by Frantz Fanon
5. “Notes of a Native Son,” by James Baldwin
6. “The Autobiography of Malcolm X,” by Malcolm X and Alex Haley
7. “I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings,” by Maya Angelou
8. “Angela Davis: An Autobiography,” by Angela Y. Davis
9. “Playing in the Dark,” by Toni Morrison
10. “In My Father’s House,” by Kwame Anthony Appiah
For reference:
1. “From Slavery to Freedom” (ninth edition or later), by John Hope Franklin and Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham
2. “The Betrayal of the Negro: From Rutherford B. Hayes to Woodrow Wilson,” by Rayford W. Logan
3. “Reconstruction: America’s Unfinished Revolution, 1863–1877,” by Eric Foner
4. “The Hemingses of Monticello: An American Family,” by Annette Gordon-Reed